Learning Through Indigenous Proverbs and Myths

    Oral cultures, which are prevalent in Third World societies, are proverb-oriented.  Some of these proverbs are riddles which hide meaning from outsiders but vividly portray it to insiders.  Other proverbs are simply concise, overt descriptions of cultural concepts.  Understanding such proverbs is an effective tool in culture learning.  A new missionary must develop the linguistic fluency to catch succinct statements of cultural reality; otherwise, he will hear them as simply incoherent sentences.

    Certain proverbs reveal distinctive cultural motifs.  The Kipsigis say, "Manamegei oikyuk ak cheguk," literally meaning "My ancestral spirits are not tied to yours."  Thus my ancestral spirits cannot harm you, and your ancestral spirits cannot harm me.  Every person is under the control of his own ancestral spirits.  This statement counters another's threat of invoking his ancestral spirits to cause harm to those who are not of his lineage. 

    Some proverbs are cultural statements of universal truths.  Jesus' statement "No man can serve two masters" (Matt. 6:24) is interpreted by the animist to mean that one cannot follow two incongruous roads simultaneously.  One cannot follow the way of God and the way of ancestors; one cannot offer his body as a living sacrifice to God while continuing to pour libations on the ancestral shrine.  Different cultures express this idea in their own distinctive ways.  For example, the Kipsigis say, "Magibeeljindos kirokwek oeng" ("Two walking sticks cannot be burned together"); the Bukusu of Kenya, "He who wants to start a new home must destroy the old"; and certain Zaireans, "Can a woman marry two husbands?"  Each of these proverbs conveys the same truth by using different analogies.

    The meaning of proverbs is frequently reinterpreted as cultural perspectives change.  A Kipsigis proverb says, "Mautien moset katwalet":  "A baboon does not forget how to jump."  Traditional religious practitioners use this proverb to explain that a Kipsigis cannot forget to do those things that are natural to him, that is, practice traditional rites.  Christian leaders employ this proverb to explain that Christians cannot forget to do those things that are natural to Christians.

Myths

    All religious people have sacred narratives, called myths, which explain how things got the way they are.  While proverbs and legends describe wisdom and phenomenal exploits "in ordinary, profane time," myths portray the work of spiritual power(s) in arranging the existing order "in primordial, sacred time" (Loewen 1969b, 150).  Creation myths depict the origin and destiny of the world and of humankind.  National myths describe how tribes and nations came into being.  Deity myths recount relationships between humanity and divinity:  Why has God become distant?  How do people relate to deity?  How have higher gods come into existence?  Spirit myths depict the origin and functions of lower spiritual beings.  Sickness myths reveal ancient sources and causes of illness.  Cosmic myths describe the origin and cause of catastrophic events, such as earthquakes, lightning, thunder, drought, rain, and eclipses.  Eliade's description of the functions of myths show that they are intimately related to animistic conceptions of reality:

Myth, . . .(1) constitutes the History of the acts of the Supernaturals; (2) that this History is considered to be absolutely true (because it is concerned with realities) and sacred (because it is the work of the Supernaturals); (3) that myth is always related to a "creation," it tells how something came into existence or how a pattern of behavior, an institution, a manner of working were established; this is why myths constitute the paradigms for all significant human acts; (4) that by knowing the myth one knows the "origin" of things and hence can control and manipulate them at will; this is not an "external," "abstract" knowledge but a knowledge that one "experiences" ritually, either by ceremonially recounting the myth or by performing the ritual for which it is the justification; (5) that in one way or another one "lives" the myth, in the sense that one is seized by the sacred, exalting power of the events recollected or re-enacted."  (1963, 8-9)  

    Because myths describe spiritual powers which stand behind the world, the study of myth is especially important in deciphering animistic beliefs.  Taber rightly comments, "Understanding the mythology of a people is one of the most important keys available to open the door into their view of the nature of reality, the meaning of life, the foundations of value judgments which underlie their whole outlook" (1969, 146).  For example, a myth among one South American Indian tribe explains why many Christian words had become interpreted as "hard words"-- power sounds used to inflict either healing or harm on the people against whom they were used:

One day while god and the people were walking through the forest, a poisonous snake suddenly bit god in the hand.  It was a very poisonous snake, so all the people expected him to swell up at once and die.  However god told them:  "Don't be afraid.  I will not die.  This happened so that I could teach you how to cure illness when you get sick once I am gone."  Then he spoke some "hard" words and blew taleng `magic' on his hand, and at once he was completely restored.  Then he taught "hard" words to the people so that they also would be able to cure.  (Loewen 1969c, 148)

    Other myths describe the origin of various spiritual powers and therefore depict their character and functions.  According to a myth of the Waunana of Columbia, Ewandama (god) lived with his son near the ocean before the creation of the people.  When his son begged him for playmates, Ewandama sent him to make dolls.  Later Ewandama gave these various dolls life.  Dolls made out of black palm wood became progenitors of black magic spirits; dolls carved from white balsa wood became the ancestors of white magic spirits; and mud dolls became the forebears of the Waunana (Loewen 1969b, 155-156; 1969c, 175). 

    African creation myths explain why God, who once lived close to humankind, has removed himself from their world.  Most of these myths describe a golden age when there was no separation between humans and their creator.  However, something occurred to alienate God.  The Mende say that God withdrew into the heavens because humans continually begged benefits from him.  Ashanti mythology tells of God's retreat into the heavens after a woman hit him with her pestle while pounding traditional food.  Myths from the upper White Nile area speak of the relationship between God and man being severed when a rope between heaven and earth was accidentally cut (Mbiti 1969, 97; Mitchell 1977, 25).  

    Myths are intimately related to a culture's worldview explaining, integrating, validating, and sanctioning its belief system (Loewen 1969c, 159-167).  For example, myths concerning the transmigration of souls undergird the Indian caste system so that the numerically greater untouchables willingly submit to the ruling castes.  Myths among Australian aborigines describe how each tribe must live off the "life root" of its own land thus eliminating aboriginal war to conquer neighboring lands (Loewen 1969c, 164, 166).  The Nazis promoted an Aryan myth to validate their conviction that the German people were racially and culturally superior.  In each case myths explain, integrate, validate, and sanction cultural beliefs and practices.         

    Too often myths have been ridiculed by Westerners, especially missionaries, as frivolous nonsense.  As a result, national Christians have hidden their myths from outsiders who might be able to understand them.  Such hidden myths are more insidious because they cannot be overtly discussed and analyzed in the light of the will of God.  "Mission history is replete with attempts to eradicate myths along with other forms of 'pagan' superstition.  But myths are not easily destroyed or changed by external pressure. . . .  In fact, overt prohibition usually tends to greatly increase the overall value of myth"  (Loewen 1969d, 171). 

    Throughout Latin America the drive to forcibly baptize the native without any regard for his mythology has resulted in syncretism, the blending of traditional animistic beliefs with Catholic beliefs and rituals.  While peripheral mythological motifs have been lost in this reintegration, core motifs of animistic myths have reemerged in Christo-pagan Catholicism and Spiritism.  Frequently mythological characteristics are given to Christian characters, and pagan gods are equated with Christ, Mary, and Catholic saints. 

    Although the historicity of most myths need not be accepted by the missionary, myths presently being told in animistic contexts reveal cultural motifs currently held by the people.  In many cases, even when the historical content of a  myth changes, the cultural motifs communicated remain the same (Loewen 1969b, 152).  By studying the mythological content of comic books, anthropologists learn much about American conceptions of bravery and heroism and the victory of good over evil (Eliade 1963, 184-185).  Although the plots change, many of the cultural motifs remain the same. 

    Thus myths serve a number of missiological functions.  First, the missionary develops insight into how the people conceptualize their reality by researching and documenting traditional myths.  Basic cultural motifs surface as they are communicated in mythological form.  Second, the sharing of myths creates an "atmosphere of confidence and reciprocity" conducive to the sharing of the gospel.  After listening to traditional myths the missionary is frequently asked about what he believes.  Myths, therefore, become a contact point between the missionary and his host culture (Loewen 1969e, 185-186).  Third, recognizing the significance of myth will help the missionary communicate the gospel in such a way so as it avoid syncretism.  In many cases the missionary will work with national leaders to consciously compare traditional mythology with the scripture.  Where traditional mythology is found to be false, it must be replaced with biblical stories reflecting biblical motifs.    Fourth, the use of myth gives insight concerning how the biblical message must be relevantly communicated.  Western sermons, which segment thought, employ deductive reasoning, and use few metaphors, have little impact in Third World contexts.  However, parables, stories, and myths--formulated to communicate concrete Christian motifs--forcefully relate God's eternal message.  For example, many lives have been changed among the Kipsigis of Kenya by "the parable of the nail" first presented by Joseph Lang'at:

One day a man sold the best house in all the village.  However, as the sale was being concluded, he declared that he could not sell one nail in a wall.  That nail was to be eternally his.  After a week the previous owner returned to hang his coat on the nail.  The new owners were puzzled but determined that since the nail was his and the coat was his, there was nothing that they could do.  However, in the second week the previous owner returned again.  This time he took his coat off the nail but replaced it with a piece of raw meat.  Again the new owners deduced that since both the coat and meat belonged to the previous owner, they could do nothing.  The smell in the house got worse and worse as the days transpired.  Finally, the previous owner returned again to reclaim his now rancid piece of meat.  This time, with a knowing nod of his head and twinkle in his eye, he left a long, dead, slimy snake on the nail.  With shock the new owners moved out and soon the previous owner moved back in. 

    The power of this story is in the mystery of the message.  What does the nail represent?  Who is the first owner?  And who are the second owners?  In this particular story the nail symbolized the unrepentant remnant of the former life used by Satan to repossess people who once belonged to him.  Even though people accept Christ, they do not allow the Lord to possess all of their lives.  As Loewen rightly says, "Those who disregard mythology are excluding themselves from valuable material that will make their message both applicable and desirable" (1969e, 187).  Hopefully, this description of the use of myth will aid the Christian communicating in animistic contexts.  

    Since all cultures have some kind of an oral history, a new cross-cultural worker must learn the oral forms of his adopted people.  He learns much of the new culture by perceiving the proverbs and myths of this culture.

Works Cited

Eliade, Mircea. 1963. Myth and Reality. New York: Harper & Row.

Loewen, Jacob A. 1969a. The structure and content of myths. Practical Anthropology 16 (July-August): 150-159.

________. 1969b. The function of myth in society. Practical Anthropology 16 (July-August): 159-170.

________. 1969c. The dynamics of myth-changing and myth-making. Practical Anthropology 16 (July-August): 170-78.

________. 1969d. Myth as an aid to missions. Practical Anthropology 16 (July-August): 185-92.

Mbiti, John S. 1969. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann.

Mitchell, Robert Cameron. 1977. African Primal Religions. Niles, IL: Argus Communications.

Taber, Charles R. 1969. Why mythology? Practical Anthropology 16 (July-August): 145-46.

Copyright ©2000 by Gailyn Van Rheenen -- excerpt from Communicating Christ in Animistic Contexts (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1996)

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